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‘Q. Why the Caymans? You could have gone anywhere. You had a lot of money. You could have gone to Paris, the Bahamas?

This paper investigates the factors responsible for the emergence of different arrangements of state–society relations. Being concerned with the relations related to the industrial sector, this study focuses more on state–business–labor relations (SBLRs), especially on power dynamics between the main actors in these relations, namely, the state, tycoons, entrepreneurs and labor.

Based on power dynamics, four SBLR modes are identified and differentiated according to state power vis-à-vis non-state actors and tycoon power vis-à-vis the other non-state actors. The balanced mode is characterized by balanced power relations among the four considered actors. In the capture mode, tycoons are more powerful than other actors, including the state, although other nonsocial actors have organizational rights. The crony mode has powerful state, subservient tycoons who enjoy high levels of favoritism and low organizational power for the other social actors. Finally, the state-dominance mode has powerful state, low levels of favoritism to tycoons and low organizational power for all social actors. The paper then explores the factors responsible for the emergence of each of these modes by investigating the factors’ effects on state power and favoritism to tycoons. The investigated factors include historical political–economic, geographical, legal and cultural factors. The hypothesized effects of these factors are then tested using a random-effects probit regression model, investigating how the different factors affect the probability of the existence of the studied SBLR modes.

The results support much of the hypothesized relations and place more emphasis on some of the investigated factors. Earlier development is clearly responsible for the emergence of either the balanced or the state-capture SBLR mode. Geographical conditions favorable for development, such as latitude and metal richness, also lead to the emergence of either mode. The communist heritage, and more accurately the post-communist economic and incomplete political liberalism of the transition stage, contributed to the emergence of the state-capture SBLR mode. The British legal system, with the power it provides to non-state actors through the independence of judges and other measures, contributes to the emergence of the balanced SBLR mode. Cultural factors are largely responsible for the emergence of the crony SBLR mode, especially hierarchical and collectivist cultures, as well as ethnic fractionalization. On the other hand, the culture of Confucians has the strongest influence on the emergence of state dominance, while other cultures play a marginal role in its rise, and ethnic fractionalization marginally defuses the ability of the state to dominate without resorting to favoritism. Finally, access to rich natural resources, by enriching the state independently from social actors’ financial resources (e.g. taxation), marginally increases the probability of the emergence of the state-dominance mode.

There is room for path dependency to explain the emergence of different SBLR modes in many countries. Unfortunately, the introduced regression model and any quantitative empirical work would not be able to effectively investigate such a process. Instead, an approach depending on case studies and a deeper investigation of country-specific historical political development is needed to complement the research done here. Conducting such an additional quest would help in reaching a more comprehensive understanding of why different countries have different SBLR modes. This should ultimately help in answering an equally important question: How to reverse engineer the emergence of favorable SBLR modes?

Although this paper did not investigate the economic merits or mischiefs of each of the studied modes, it is plausible to think of the balanced SBLR as the best mode. This is supported not only by the fact that most of the countries of this mode are developed countries but also by the attractiveness of the power dynamics governing this mode—a more balanced power among different SBLR actors. While some factors are almost impossible to replicate, for example, geographical factors, reform could target the factors that could be changed or mitigated. This is true for legal reform, especially for fostering the independence of judges. Culture is often regarded as a sticky institution. However, this is not always true, even though the change happens in the long run. A sort of dynamism should always be considered when referring to culture through time and space. Institutional reform could be instrumental in the long run in this regard. Conducting such reform with the help of such “exogenous” institutions should always consider the match between these institutions and “endogenous” institutions, such as culture. That is to say, the connection between democratization, fostering accountability and curbing favoritism and cultural values leaning toward these principles should be firmly established. Finally, a point of optimism is that—based on the results of this paper—reaching a high state of development could increase the chances of realizing a more balanced SBLR mode in the long run.

This paper represents a novel contribution to a topic that has hardly been addressed in the literature. The methodology that is used identifies different state–society relation modes and focuses on power relations in SBLRs is another important contribution to the present literature in many fields, such as institutional economics, socioeconomics and political economy.

ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON would have delighted in the deep irony of his own idle words, penned in a letter to William Archer in October 1887. His early death in Samoa, itself a symbolic reflection of an incredibly romantic life, short but full of incident and perfectly constructed for journalistic highlighting, inspired a spate of fulsomely admiring biographical studies which at one time threatened to obscure his true talent. Essay upon essay, book after book, some merely appreciative, some approaching adulation, poured from the presses until literary criticism proper was engulfed in a myth of quite extraordinary dimensions.

Previous cross‐cultural leadership research has provided limited information about Latin American leadership. In an effort to address this gap in the literature, this paper is designed to aid in understanding the similarities in Latin American leadership. The author proposes that the core of Latin American cultures is a common culture, which has a consistent effect on leader behaviors. Based on this common culture, it is proposed that leaders in most Latin American countries can be characterized as traditional leaders (El Patrón). In some countries, leadership is evolving toward a modern conceptualization of leadership, El Líder Moderno. Preliminary data supported the dominance of El Patrón and a movement in Mexico toward El Líder Moderno.

This paper aims to compare biographical content for literary authors writing in English among Biography Reference Bank, Contemporary Authors Online, Wikipedia, and the web.

A sample of 500 names was gathered from curricula and textbooks used in English courses and searched in the Contemporary Authors Online portion of Literature Resource Center, Biography Reference Bank, Wikipedia, and the web; the results and content were compared.

Each source has core content plus its own unique offerings and specific challenges, as evidenced in searching, evaluative techniques such as authority and currency, and content.

This study can only offer a small part of the picture of what information resides where and a single snapshot in time.

This study will help librarians decide whether to subscribe to a biographical database. It also reinforces the need for evidence‐based practice in librarianship.

While the study is only a small part of the picture, it still makes use of a significant sample size to validate/refute assumptions about the availability of biographical information and the sources studied.

This paper examines the economic and political determinants of public procurement corruption in Uganda. Using data from 548 respondents in the public, private and NGO sectors of Uganda, the paper identifies critical economic and political determinants of public procurement corruption in Uganda. All over the world, the attention of policy makers, academics, development partners, the general public, civil society organizations and politicians has been drawn to the negative effects of corruption on development and the delivery of effective services. Corruption; a phenomenon as old as man himself (Shabbir & Anwar, 2007) has recently risen to the top of the development agenda, particularly in the developing economies. It is this recognition that leads to investigation of why corruption exists and what makes it so differently widespread among countries (Serra, 2004). Unlike in the past where corruption research was the preserve of economists and political scientists, today other disciplines like public procurement have significant interest. This paper compares the emergent results with local and international literature. It presents a number of theoretical and managerial implications for addressing the “disastrous monster” of procurement corruption in the context of the developing world.